Religious Policy of Akbar based on the writings of Satish Chandra in “Medieval India: From Sultanat to the Mughals, Part Two: Mughal Empire (1526–1748)”
The reign of Emperor Akbar (r. 1556–1605) marks a crucial period in the evolution of religious policy under the Mughal Empire. It reflects a confluence of state pragmatism and personal spiritual exploration, deeply rooted in the Turko-Mughal tradition and inspired by the socio-cultural currents of the Indian subcontinent. As historian Satish Chandra argues in Medieval India: From Sultanat to the Mughals, Akbar’s religious policy cannot be understood monolithically—it needs to be distinguished into two complementary but distinct dimensions: his state policies and his personal religious beliefs.
Religious Policy of Akbar: The Foundations
Akbar inherited a tradition of religious eclecticism from his Central Asian forebears. Chingiz Khan, as chronicled by Juwaini, shunned religious bigotry and granted space to varied faiths—including Christians and non-Muslims—in his military and administration. Timur, though often associated with religious violence, also permitted considerable religious diversity within his empire. These attitudes filtered into the early Mughal outlook. Babur, for instance, adopted the Shiʿite cap (kula) at Samarqand when politically expedient, while Humayun sought refuge in the Shiʿite court of Shah Tahmasp of Iran and included Shiʿites in his nobility.
This syncretic inheritance was passed on to Akbar, who, as a child, was tutored by Abdul Latif—a figure considered Sunni in Iran and Shiʿa in India—underscoring the ambiguity and fluidity of sectarian labels in Mughal court culture.
Simultaneously, the religious atmosphere in India had been transformed by the Bhakti and Sufi movements. Saints like Kabir and Guru Nanak rejected rigid ritualism and scriptural orthodoxy, instead advocating inner devotion to a formless divine. Many Sufi orders, particularly the Chishtis of the Doab and Kubrawiyas of Bihar, welcomed all spiritual seekers, irrespective of creed. Their khanqahs functioned as interfaith spaces, where even bhakti poetry and Hindu imagery were incorporated into sama (musical gatherings), as seen in the writings of Abdul Qaddus Gangohi.
Politically too, the Lodi and Sur regimes had included Hindus in administrative roles, culminating in the rise of Hemu, a Hindu general who briefly became de facto ruler in the mid-16th century. Akbar’s milieu was therefore marked by cross-cultural currents and precedents of Hindu-Muslim cooperation.
Early Phase
Upon assuming power in 1556, Akbar initially followed a cautious path. His early years were dominated by the influence of orthodox Sunni clerics, such as Shaikh Abdun Nabi and Abdullah Sultanpuri. Abdun Nabi, appointed sadr (chief religious functionary), enforced religious orthodoxy with zeal. He resisted even symbolic breaches of custom—chastising Akbar for wearing saffron robes and barring from sermons anyone adorned in silk or ornaments.
During this time, persecution of Shiʿas and Mahdawis escalated. Prominent Shiʿa figures such as Mirza Isfahani and Mir Yaqub Kashmiri were executed in 1569, while even the remains of the scholar Murtaza Shirazi were exhumed to preserve Sunni sanctity near Amir Khusrau’s tomb. The Mahdawi movement, a mystical messianic sect, also came under state scrutiny, leading to the harassment of Shaikh Mubarak, father of Akbar’s future ideologue Abul Fazl.
Despite this conservative influence, Akbar introduced landmark reforms reflecting his innate sense of justice and inclusivity. In 1563, he abolished the pilgrim tax, a burden that had long targeted Hindus at sacred sites like Mathura. He prohibited enslavement of the families of rebellious villagers, deviating from conventional punitive measures. Most strikingly, he married Rajput princesses without forcing conversion and allowed them to continue Hindu worship within the imperial palaces—marking a profound departure from Islamic orthodoxy.
The case of Birbal, a Hindu courtier elevated to high favour without renouncing his faith, further demonstrated the inclusivity of Akbar’s court. As he would later justify, Hindus were “equally loyal,” contributing to the expansion and administration of the Mughal dominion.
Abolition of Jizyah
One of the most debated acts of Akbar’s reign was the abolition of jizyah, the discriminatory tax on non-Muslims. Abul Fazl, Akbar’s chronicler, dates this event to 1564, aligning it with the broader pattern of liberalization. However, Badayuni, a conservative contemporary, claims that jizyah was reconsidered and reimposed in 1575–76, but quickly withdrawn after a brief period of attempted enforcement.
Abul Fazl suggests that the ulama’s push for jizyah was motivated not by revenue, but by religious prejudice and an urge to humiliate Hindus. While this act was contentious, it illustrates the growing rift between Akbar and the orthodox ulama, a tension that would culminate in later phases of his reign with the establishment of Din-i Ilahi and the House of Worship (Ibadat Khana) debates.
Akbar’s religious policy was not a linear movement from orthodoxy to liberalism, but a complex negotiation between inherited traditions, political exigencies, and personal convictions. His early years saw the dominance of clerical orthodoxy, yet this was punctuated by radical state measures aimed at religious accommodation and social equity. His policies were not solely driven by personal belief, but by the Mughal legacy of eclecticism, the pragmatic need for political integration of the Rajputs, and the influence of vibrant Indian spiritual traditions.
As Satish Chandra emphasizes, Akbar’s personal religiosity initially remained within the bounds of orthodox Sunni practice—he prayed regularly, financed pilgrimages to Mecca, and honoured the scholars of his time. Yet the seeds of his future heterodoxy were already evident in his admiration for Sufism, his embrace of diversity in court appointments, and his willingness to resist the ulama’s dogma.
The early phase of Akbar’s religious policy thus presents a paradox: a state increasingly committed to religious pluralism coexisting with a court still under the influence of conservative clerics. It is this dialectic between statecraft and spiritual quest, between tradition and transformation, that defined the genius of Akbar and laid the foundation for one of the most inclusive empires in pre-modern world history.
Second Phase (1573–1580)
Context and Developments
- Political Consolidation: Victories over Uzbek nobles and in Malwa, Rajasthan, and Gujarat made Akbar feel divinely ordained to unify India.
- Philosophical Engagement: Akbar was deeply influenced by Sufi thought, especially the works of Rumi and Hafiz. He engaged with mystics and scholars of diverse traditions, demonstrating a keen interest in theology, law, and philosophy.
- Badayuni’s Account: Emphasizes Akbar’s growing preoccupation with religious discourse and his distancing from orthodox Islam.
Ibadat Khana Debates (1575–1582)
Establishment and Purpose
- Founded in 1575 at Fatehpur Sikri, the Ibadat Khana (Hall of Worship) aimed to provide a platform for theological dialogue.
- Built near the Anup Talao and close to the imperial palace for easy access by Akbar.
- Initially included only Muslim scholars—ulama, Sufi shaikhs, and Akbar’s companions.
Nature of Discussions
- Theological issues like the number of legal wives a ruler may marry were hotly debated.
- Despite Akbar’s stated goal of discovering truth (haqiqat), the debates devolved into ego-driven displays of superiority among scholars.
- Akbar allowed non-Muslims (Hindus, Jains, Christians, Zoroastrians) to participate from 1578, after a mystical experience.
Challenges and Closure
- Fundamental Islamic tenets such as finality of prophethood, resurrection, and tawhid (oneness of God) were questioned—alarming orthodox Muslims.
- R.P. Tripathi argues that the Ibadat Khana brought discredit rather than intellectual growth.
- Akbar gradually disengaged, finally closing the Ibadat Khana by 1582.
Consequences
- Intellectual Transformation: Led Akbar to formulate the doctrine of Sulh-i-kul (universal peace).
- Break with Ulama: Highlighted the narrow-mindedness and bigotry of court theologians, widening the gulf between them and Akbar.
- Promotion of Liberal Islam: Enabled Abul Fazl and his circle to advocate a rational, liberal religious outlook.
The Mahzar (1579): Akbar’s Declaration of Authority
Background
- Issued in 1579, signed by prominent ulama including Shaikh Abdun Nabi, Abdullah Sultanpuri, and Shaikh Mubarak (father of Abul Fazl).
- Emerged in the wake of a contentious trial of a Mathura Brahman, reflecting Akbar’s dissatisfaction with the ulama’s harsh stance.
Content and Purpose
- Declared Akbar as “Sultan of Islam“, “Commander of the Faithful“, and “Shadow of God“.
- Asserted Akbar’s right to choose among differing interpretations of Islamic law (sharia) if mujtahids disagreed.
- Permitted the emperor to issue decrees so long as they did not contradict the nas (clear commands of Quran and Hadith).
- Opposition to such decrees would invite divine displeasure.
Historical Assessment
- Vincent Smith misjudged it as Akbar copying the Pope’s infallibility.
- Some Pakistani scholars (critics) wrongly called it dishonest due to Akbar’s illiteracy.
- However, S.M. Ikram and S.A. Rashid regarded it as a constructive and legitimate document within Islamic tradition.
Key Significance
- Did not declare Akbar a mujtahid himself but above mujtahids in authority.
- Was not a novelty—precedents existed with Balban and Alauddin Khalji, who overrode sharia when politically necessary.
- Reflected a shift in state policy: from clerical domination to imperial discretion in religious affairs.
The Ibadat Khana debates and the Mahzar represented a pivotal ideological shift in Akbar’s reign:
- They reinforced his position as a divinely guided ruler capable of mediating religious truth.
- Laid the foundation for a tolerant, secular state policy and the reduction of ulama influence.
- These developments culminated in the Din-i-Ilahi and Sulh-i-kul, defining features of Akbar’s third religious phase (1581–1605).
Madadd-i-Maash Grants
Madadd-i-Maash refers to revenue-free land grants provided by the state, primarily to scholars, religious figures, and the needy. This practice was rooted in the broader tradition of royal patronage, which was common across various Indian polities. In Muslim states, such as the Delhi Sultanate and the Mughal Empire, these grants were administered under the title of madadd-i-maash, milk, or sayurghal, and were generally overseen by the sadr, a high-ranking religious and administrative official. While non-Muslims were not explicitly excluded from receiving grants, the majority of beneficiaries were Muslims, particularly religious scholars and saints.
Early Practices and Reforms
When Akbar ascended the throne, the distribution of madadd-i-maash lands continued in a traditional manner. Initially, he allowed the sadr, notably Shaikh Abdun Nabi, to exercise wide-ranging powers in the allocation of these grants. During the Lodhi and Sur dynasties, large areas had already been granted to Afghan elites and Indian Shaikhzadas, a practice that continued into the early Mughal period. Efforts to reform the system had begun as early as Bairam Khan’s regency, with limited success.
Two major changes occurred under Shaikh Abdun Nabi’s tenure:
- Resumption of Old Grants: Land grants, especially those enjoyed by the Afghans, were resumed to the crown. Only those verified and certified by Abdun Nabi were reconfirmed, causing widespread hardship among previous grantees.
- Consolidation of Grants: Individuals holding scattered plots were encouraged to consolidate them in one location of their choice, making the management of land grants more efficient.
Despite these reforms, Abdun Nabi was accused of distributing land too liberally, which drew criticism. Badayuni, a contemporary historian, noted that never before had a sadr held such immense power in allocating religious and charitable lands.
Akbar’s Intervention and Rationalization
Eventually, Akbar took a more active role in overseeing the madadd-i-maash system. His objectives were twofold: to reduce the economic drain on crown revenues and to encourage grantees to engage in productive activities. Several steps were taken to systematize and rationalize the grant system:
- Investigation of Large Grants: Grants exceeding 500 bighas were scrutinized, and attempts were made to reduce excessively large holdings.
- Decentralization of Authority: In 1580, with the formation of subahs (provinces), sadrs were appointed at the provincial level. To monitor them, the empire was divided into six circles, each overseen by a supervisor.
- Land Utilization Rules: In 1589, new rules stipulated that half of every grant must be composed of cultivable land. If the entire grant consisted of tilled land, one-fourth had to be returned to the state. This linked land grants with the goal of increasing agricultural productivity.
Inclusion and Expansion
Initially, madadd-i-maash grants were largely restricted to Muslims. However, Akbar’s policy of religious tolerance and inclusive governance led to a significant broadening of this practice. After 1575, grants began to be extended to Hindus, rebels, and even those considered socially marginal. By 1580, the number of non-Muslim grantees grew considerably. Jains, Parsis, and even Jesuits were recipients of land grants. Akbar also made provisions for the support of ascetics and saints regardless of their faith.
To institutionalize state charity, Akbar established:
- Dharmapura: for poor Hindus,
- Khairpura: for poor Muslims,
- Jogipura: for ascetic jogis.
These measures reflected a shift from an exclusivist religious policy toward a more secular and inclusive welfare approach.
The Third or Final Phase of Akbar’s Religious Policy
I. Nature of Akbar’s Beliefs
- Gradual crystallization of Akbar’s personal religious ideas marked this period.
- His central belief was in monotheism (Tauhid-i-Ilahi), influenced by Ibn-i-Arabi.
- Akbar believed in direct communion with God through meditation, not through rigid rituals or blind imitation (taqlid).
- He emphasized personal responsibility to God for every action and valued spiritual light (nur), seeing it symbolized in the Sun and Fire.
II. Religious Influences and Practices
- Akbar showed interest in Hindu, Jain, Zoroastrian, and Christian elements:
- Hindu influences: worship of the sun, wearing of tika, rakhi, chanting Sanskrit hymns.
- Jain influences: animal slaughter restrictions on certain days.
- Zoroastrianism: respect for fire and celebration of Nauroz.
- Despite influences, he rejected the Hindu doctrine of transmigration of souls (rebirth in another body).
- Akbar’s aim was not syncretism, but to find universal truth and transcend blind rituals.
- His respect for all religions led to practices like forbidding cow slaughter, celebrating Hindu and Persian festivals, and inter-religious debates in the Ibadat Khana.
III. Religious Philosophy and Policy
- Influenced by Sufi thought and philosophers like Al-Ghazali, Akbar believed truth was not the monopoly of any one religion.
- Akbar said: “It is my duty to be in good understanding with all men… they are under the malady of ignorance and deserve my compassion.”
- Akbar sought Sulh-i-Kul (peace with all) as the basis of governance, emphasizing tolerance and rationality in faith.
- Orthodox backlash: Clerics like Badayuni and Christian missionaries accused Akbar of apostasy or being anti-Islamic.
- Jesuit Monserrate believed Akbar wanted to be worshipped or seen as a Prophet.
- I.H. Qureshi acknowledges Akbar did not abandon Islam but challenged orthodoxy, which was seen as a threat to Islamic identity.
IV. Din-i-Ilahi: Controversy and Clarification
- Critics like Badayuni and Jesuits claimed Akbar created a new religion — Din-i-Ilahi — blending elements from various religions.
- Modern historians refute this:
- Din-i-Ilahi had no formal structure—no scripture, priesthood, or rituals.
- Its true nature remains unclear; not officially promulgated.
- Earliest detailed reference comes from Muhsin Fani’s Dabistan-i-Mazahib (under Shah Jahan).
Core Ideas (as per Dabistan-i-Mazahib):
- Focused on ethical principles like generosity, suppression of lust, and spiritual purification.
- Emphasis on reason-based religion, not blind imitation.
Terminology:
- Abul Fazl used the term Tauhid-i-Ilahi (Divine Monotheism) rather than Din-i-Ilahi.
- He emphasized Akbar’s role as a spiritual guide, not a Prophet or founder of a religion.
V. Four Degrees of Faith (1580)
- Described by Badayuni as:
- Sacrificing property
- Sacrificing life
- Sacrificing honour
- Sacrificing religion
- Not religious per se, but reflected Sufi-style devotion and loyalty to the Emperor.
- Only 18 nobles, including Birbal (only Hindu), were recognized for reaching this level.
- Man Singh’s response showed resistance to the religious interpretation of these degrees.
- He declared loyalty but maintained his Hindu identity.
VI. Political and Administrative Implications
- Akbar’s policies were partly shaped by the pragmatic need for a unified and stable empire.
- He sought officers of integrity who shared his ethical vision, not necessarily his faith.
- His eclecticism and spiritual leadership model were intended to overcome sectarianism and support administrative efficiency.